The central date for China’s GDP to overtake the US at market exchange rates is 2019 – a study of growth assumptions and analyses

.833ZThe central date for China’s GDP to overtake the US at market exchange rates is 2019 – a study of growth assumptions and analyses

By John Ross

Summary

The question of when China’s GDP will overtake the US, to become the world’s largest national economy, is self-evidently significant.1 It has become much discussed among Western economic commentators (Rachman, 2011).

When Goldman Sachs first suggested that China’s GDP would exceed that of the US by 2041 this caused surprise (Wilson & Purushothaman, 2003). When Goldman Sachs revised this forward to 2027 this caused greater shock (O’Neill, 2009). But it has since become evident that, on current trends, Goldman Sachs forecasts projected too long a period for China’s GDP to overtake the US – and did so before the international financial crisis.

In the last two years, work carried out by the present author in the Research Group China in the International Financial Crisis, at Antai College, Shanghai Jiao University, arrived at an estimate of the most central date for China’s GDP, at market exchange rates, to exceed the US as being 2019 – there is inevitably a degree of variance on either side in such projections.

Interestingly, as noted below, other recent analyses now arrive at essentially the same date range regarding parity purchasing power (PPP) estimates. A remaining weakness in a number of these latter studies, however, is that they have in the past underestimated China’s growth and still project too long a time scale for China’s GDP to equal the US at market exchange rates. The reasons for this are considered in detail below.

Perhaps surprisingly, it turns out that projections on this issue are not highly sensitive to the ranges of precise growth rates utilised – provided that these are within realistic historical bounds. The central conclusion is that, unless there is a qualitative change in the economic situation, China’s GDP at market prices is likely to exceed the US in the period 2017-2021. It is also significant that the rate of growth of US current dollar GDP is decreasing while the rate of growth of China’s dollar GDP is accelerating – purely linear projections therefore tend to overestimate the period of time before which China’s GDP equals that of the US.

This article surveys literature on this issue, clarifies the reasoning for such time frames, and analyses their key parameters. A fundamental qualitative characterisation of the relative position of the US and China’s GDPs is indicated.

Calculations on the range of reasonable US GDP growth rates to be projected have been considered in detail in other articles and these are utilised below.2 Concentration in this article is therefore on reasonable projections of the growth rate of China’s GDP in dollar terms.

Background – systematic underestimation of the growth rate of China’s economy

In any subject, including economics, the ultimate test of analysis and theory is how accurately it predicts developments. Therefore the two fundamental tests of analysis regarding former planned economies have been the success of China’s reform policy and the failure of shock therapy in Russia and the former USSR. The former produced the most rapid growth in any major economy, and the latter saw the greatest peacetime decline in production in any major country in modern history.

In both cases majority conventional wisdom at the time transpired to be incorrect. When in 1992 the present author contrasted favourably the success of China’s economic reform to the ‘shock therapy’ then being introduced in Russia, and predicted continued rapid economic growth in China compared to negative results in Russia, majority opinion disagreed with such analysis (Ross, 1992). However, at that time, China’s economy at market exchange rates was only 6.7 per cent the size of the US and only 67.5 per cent the size of the former USSR (World Bank, 2010). Therefore understanding of the potential of China’s economic policy was primarily based on issues of economic theory, related to the early progress of its economic reform, and not to the level of realised accomplishment which now prevails. Study of China’s economy in 1992 was also a minority interest, with the fashionable focus of attention at that time being the alleged benefits of shock therapy and with a prevailing view that China would lag because of its failure to adopt this.3

Nineteen years later the results are evident. China’s economy is the world’s second largest. It has maintained the highest rate of growth of any major economy throughout the almost two decade intervening period. Attention to China’s economy is no longer based primarily on potential or economic theory but on accomplished achievement. For comparison China’s economy today is almost three times as large as the economy of the entire former USSR, more than four times as large as the economy of Russia, and has overtaken Japan to become the world’s second largest. The relevant discussion now is when its GDP will overtake the US – hence this article.

Analysis of China’s economy has now also become highly fashionable and no longer of minority interest. Nevertheless, as will be shown below, many of the most widely cited predictions regarding China’s economy – for example those of Goldman Sachs and PWC – have underestimated how fast China’s economy would develop and have therefore regularly upgraded their forecasts. This error has still not been fully corrected. Most forecasters now project that China’s GDP will exceed that of the US in PPP terms during the next 10-20 years – with the majority of such projections falling towards the early part of this range. But, for reasons considered in detail, they continue to underestimate how rapidly China’s GDP will equal that of the US at market exchange rates.

The relevant literature will therefore first be surveyed and then a detailed examination will be made of the assumptions involved in projections of the size of China’s GDP compared to the US at market exchange rates.

Recent projections on China’s economic growth

Goldman Sach’s projection for China’s GDP to overtake the US in 2041, made in the well known paper ‘Dreaming with BRICs’, was based on the assumption that China’s GDP in nominal dollar terms, rather than at constant prices or exchange rates, would increase at 8.1 per cent a year between 2005 and 2040 (Wilson & Purushothaman, 2003).4 This projection turned out to be less than half the relevant rate of China’s growth in the last 10 years to 2010 – the actual outturn, in current dollars, was 17.2%. Jim O’Neill, former chief economist of Goldman Sachs, was therefore correct to note: ‘What many casual observers of our BRIC projections never realized is that we used extremely conservative assumptions.’ (O’Neill, 2009b) Unsurprisingly, therefore, Goldman Sachs, subsequently brought forward their projection of the year China’s GDP will overtake the US – to 2027 (O’Neill & Stupnytska, 2009). A further analysis of Goldman Sachs projections is given below.

More recent projections by others have calculated significantly earlier dates than Goldman Sachs. In the most extreme estimate Arvind Subramanian, of the Peterson Institute of International Economics, argues that in PPP terms, China has already overtaken the US (Subramanian, 2011). The Conference Board, estimates China’s GDP, again in PPP terms, could overtake the US in 2012 (The Conference Board, 2011). The current projection of the IMF in PPP terms is that China’s GDP will overtake the US shortly after 2015 (International Monetary Fund, 2010). The Economist projects China will overtake the US in 2019 (The Economist, 2010). PWC conclude China’s GDP will overtake the US before 2020 (Hawksworth, 2010) (Hawksworth & Tiwari, 2011). Standard Chartered bank predicts China will overtake the US by 2020 and that by 2030 its economy will be twice the size of the US (Adam, 2010)

In contrast, China’s media has tended to take a highly cautious approach to this issue – insisting that comparisons be made only in current exchange rates and utilising relatively optimistic projections regarding the US’s growth and relatively pessimistic ones regarding China’s (China Daily, 2010).

This echoes the Chinese media’s similar approach to comparisons of China’s economy with Japan. Calculations made in terms of PPPs showed that China overtook Japan to become the world’s second largest economy in 2001 (International Monetary Fund, 2010). China, however, only acknowledged that it was the world’s second largest economy in 2010, when it overtook Japan in current exchange rate terms.

In one sense such caution by China’s media is well founded. Serious issues need objective consideration. Exaggeration of achievements is unhelpful. Furthermore, as is well known, even when China’s GDP is the same as that of the US, China will still be a far poorer country in terms of income per person – to be precise, as China has approximately four times the population of the US, when China’s total GDP equals that of the US China’s GDP per capita will only be one quarter that of the US.

Nevertheless, while conservatism in assumptions is commendable, distortions in perspective and policy also occur if underestimates are made. The only really useful calculations are those which are accurate as regards fundamentals. Given that it is spurious exactitude on such a complex issue to give a single precise date it is necessary to analyse the key parameters involved and therefore the reasonable range of projections.

Official exchange rate and PPP studies

As is well known there exist two fundamental measures for estimating the relative sizes of the US and China’s economies – those made at market exchange rates and those made in terms of PPPs. Some studies, notably those carried out for PWC, analyse both. (Hawksworth, 2006) (Hawksworth & Cookson, 2008) (Hawksworth & Tiwari, 2011).

Both measures and approaches are relevant.5 However because market exchange rates are more objectively verifiable, because actual transactions are carried out in these terms, and because the Chinese authorities themselves generally only utilise calculations in market exchange rates, emphasis in this paper is on this measure. First however, to set parameters, literature utilising PPPs will be compared to those for the US and China’s GDP at market exchange rates.

Official exchange rate and PPP calculations

Calculations of the relative size of the US and China’s GDP at market exchange rates are simple and up to date. China has released its first official estimate of GDP in 2010 – 39.8 trillion yuan (National Bureau of Statistics of China, 2011). No official exchange rate for conversion of this annual GDP to dollars was published, but utilising a simple unweighted daily average for 2010 yields a figure of $5.9 trillion – the final data will not differ greatly from this.6 This compares to a US GDP in 2010 of $14.7 trillion.7 (Bureau of Economic Research, 2010). At official exchange rates, China’s economy is approximately 40 per cent of the size of the US.

PPP calculations start from the well known fact that average prices in China, as with most developing countries, are lower that average prices in the US when converted at market exchange rates. The real comparative size of China’s GDP, in terms of real inputs and outputs, is therefore understated compared to the US,. It is for this reason that analysts have supplemented, or replaced use of, market exchange rates and attempted to calculate PPPs for China, the US and other economies.8

Nevertheless a drawback of this approach remains that the calculation made for PPP exchange rate is crucial for the estimate of the relative size of the two economies compared to market exchange rates – which in contrast are readily objectively verifiable. As will be seen, estimates based on calculated PPP’s therefore may yield very early dates for when China’s GDP will exceed the US.

Three PPP estimates of China’s GDP

Taking an overall review of the range of PPP estimates for the size of China’s economy three calculations essentially coincide – those of the World Bank, the IMF (International Monetary Fund, 2010) and the CIA (Central Intelligence Agency, 2011). Taking 2009, the latest date available for PPPs:

  • the World Bank estimates the size of China’s GDP at $ 9091bn;
  • the IMF estimates the size of China’s GDP at $9047bn;
  • the CIA estimates the size of China’s GDP at $8950bn.

All, for 2009, therefore give a PPP estimate of the size of China’s GDP at 63-64 per cent of the US’s $14 256bn.

These figures are essentially calculated from the baseline estimate of the size of China’s GDP in PPPs in 2005 published by the World Bank International Comparison Programme (World Bank, 2007). This revised downwards the previous estimate of the size of China’s GDP by 40 per cent. This downward revision has, however, been contested by a number of authors on various grounds – for example that that backward projections of the data yield implausible results, or that basing price calculations only on cities yields inaccurate results as prices are lower in China’s rural areas (Deaton & Heston, 2008) (Subramanian, 2011).

Higher PPP estimates of China’s GDP

There therefore exist, for the above and other reasons, higher estimates of China’s GDP in PPP terms. The most extreme, as noted, are Subramanian’s, who argues that in these terms, China’s GDP is $14.9 trillion, and has already marginally overtaken the US (Subramanian, 2011). Subramanian, however, is an outlier in such estimates whose conclusions have not received any widespread support.

More significant, and more frequently quoted, are estimates by The Conference Board and those in the data of Angus Maddison – the Conference Board’s Total Economy database is now widely cited and Maddison was not only a leading authority on economic growth in general but made specific analyses of China’s GDP (Maddison, 1998) (Maddison & Wu). Regarding these:

  • The Conference Board gives an estimate of $12.9 trillion for China’s GDP in PPP terms in 2010, compared to $14.5 trillion for the US, producing an estimate that China’s economy is already 89 per cent of the size of the US.
  • Maddison died in 2010 and the latest year for which he gave estimates of the GDP of the US and Chinese economies was 2008. His calculations were expressed as 1990 Geary-Khamis dollars. Maddison’s base year was 1990, for which he calculated China’s GDP as $2124bn. Maddison’s views were emphatic, for reasons stated in detail in his Chinese Economic Performance in the Long Run, and his conclusion was already that: ‘In 2003 its [China’s] GDP was about 73 per cent of that in the USA.’ (Maddison, 1998) (Maddison & Wu, p. 1) Maddison also concluded that in these terms in 2008 US GDP was $9.5 trillion and China’s $8.9 trillion – i.e. on this measure China’s economy was 94 per cent the size of the US (Maddison, 2010).9

Subramanian reports that the new version of the Penn Tables, to be released in February 2011, will revise its estimate of China’s PPP up by 27 per cent (Subramanian, 2011).

Utilising such higher PPP estimates of the size of China’s GDP can give projections for when China’s GDP will overtake the US which are very short – as already noted that it has already occurred in the case of Subramanian and that it will occur in 2012 in the case of The Conference Board. It may be noted, however, that even the IMF, utilising its own lower estimates, now projects that China’s GDP will overtake the US in PPP terms shortly after 2015 (International Monetary Fund, 2010).

Valuable as PPP methodology is, however, due to the high degree to which estimates based on PPPs depend on the calculated PPP exchange rates, and because actual transactions are carried out at market prices, primary emphasis here will be on calculations based on market exchange rates and PPPs are used only for comparison.

Combination of PPP and exchange rate studies

A series of studies which have sought to compare market exchange rate and PPP data for the relative size of the US and China’s economies are by Hawksworth and collaborators for PWC. (Hawksworth, 2006) (Hawksworth & Cookson, 2008) (Hawksworth, 2010) (Hawksworth & Tiwari, 2011)

These successive studies have progressively brought forward their estimate of the date at which China’s GDP will equal that of the US. In the 2008 study China was projected to overtake the US in PPP terms in 2025 (Hawksworth & Cookson, 2008, p. 2). In the most recent, 2011, study China: ‘is expected to overtake the US as the world’s largest economy (measured by GDP at PPPs) sometime before 2020.’ (Hawksworth & Tiwari, 2011, p. 8).

Even more striking is the degree to which the PWC studies have brought forward the date at which China is projected to overtake the US in terms of market exchange rates. In its 2006 study PWC projected that China’s GDP would still be six per cent smaller than the US at market exchange rates in 2050 (Hawksworth, 2006, p. 22). By the 2011 study China was projected to overtake the US at market exchange rates in 2032. (Hawksworth & Tiwari, 2011, p. 16)

Goldman Sachs

In similar fashion to PWC, Goldman Sachs, which made the earliest well known projection of when China’s GDP will exceed that of the US, has also progressively brought forward its date for this – these estimates have been made as part of Goldman Sachs BRIC studies. In 2003 Goldman Sachs predicted that China’s economy would be larger than the US by 2041 (Wilson & Purushothaman, 2003).10 Goldman Sachs however subsequently noted that China, in particular, was growing substantially faster than its earlier projections.11 Thus, for example, in December 2009 it analysed: ‘how the BRIC economies stand today compared with how we projected them to be back in 2003… All four economies have attained levels of USD GDP that we had not originally expected until later – with China, of course, the main standout. We now assume a much stronger GDP performance for China by 2050 than we originally estimated. (O’Neill & Stupnytska, 2009, p. 5) More succinctly ‘China tops the list of countries whose growth performance has surpassed our expectations.’ (O’Neill & Stupnytska, 2009, p. 4) The date for China’s economy exceeding the US was brought forward to 2027 (O’Neill, 2009).12

Goldman Sachs 2003 prediction was based on projecting that China’s GDP in nominal dollar terms would increase at 8.1 percent a year. In fact in 2000-2010, the most recent 10 year period for which data is available , China’s annual nominal dollar GDP growth was 17.2 percent.13

Goldman Sachs has not revised its own BRIC forecasts since 2008. Even then, as seen, its assumptions had tended to underestimate China’s growth rate – and since 2008 the US economy has lost momentum, due to the international financial crisis, while China has not. When Goldman Sachs next revise their forecast as to the date when China’s economy will be as large as the US they will almost certainly bring it forward – as they have done in major previous revisions.

Different variables

For calculations made at market exchange rates, the date at which China’s GDP will equal the US primarily rests on the assumptions made regarding the rate of growth in constant prices of the US and China’s economies, their respective inflation rates, and the exchange rate of the RMB relative to the dollar. It is, therefore, possible to make a range of combinations of assumptions regarding these variables – The Economist has even produced a ready reckoner with which to do so! (The Economist, 2010)) The issue is evidently what range of values it is reasonable to insert and what is the sensitivity of the result for such different variables?

The Economist’s central projection was that annually China’s economy grows at 7.75 per cent, its inflation is 4.0 per cent and the yuan revalues by 3.0 per cent a year against the dollar, while the US grows at 2.5 per cent and its inflation is 1.5 per cent. This combination yields the result that China’s GDP overtakes the US at market exchange rates in 2019.

Interestingly, as also found when doing research at Antai College, the combination of such variables yield results which are not highly sensitive to any precise entry of figures which lie within historically reasonable ranges. For example, leaving all other parameters the same as in The Economist’s variant above, and increasing China’s growth rate to its average since 1978 of 9.9 per cent, only brings forward the date in which China’s GDP overtakes the US to 2018. The same result is obtained by using the highly favourable assumption to China of 9.9 per cent annual growth and utilising the 10 year annual growth rate of US GDP of 1.7 per cent (Ross, 2011a). Even taking the wildly favourable assumptions for China, all other things remaining equal, of 9.9 per cent GDP growth, 5.0 per cent yuan appreciation, and US growth at 1.7 per cent, only brings the date forward to 2017. Similarly taking a highly favourable conclusion for the US that its growth rate over the next decade accelerates to its historical 3.4 per cent, which is above its average growth rate for last 20 years, and assuming China’s growth decelerates to 7.75 per cent, and taking the Economist‘s assumptions as above for inflation and exchange rates, only pushes out the date China’s GDP overtakes the US to 2020.

These variants therefore confirm the author’s own studies that, provided any historically reasonable range of variables is used, the results target a relatively narrow range of 2017-2021, centred on approximately 2019.

A sense check

There is, however, another way to carry out such estimates. This is to do a ‘quick and dirty’ sense check calculation of the relative rates of growth of the US and China’s nominal dollar GDPs. As robust projections normally rely on having a small number of assumptions, and this is preferable to excessive numbers of variables, such estimates are of interest.

Such ‘quick and dirty’ methods consists of simply analysing the trends in nominal GDP, at official exchange rates, of China and the US without attempting to decompose these into movements in real GDP growth, inflation and exchange rate movements – such overall trends in nominal GDP in dollars may be taken as ‘summarising’ the GDP growth, inflation and exchange rate movements.14 Making such an analysis strikingly reveals clear long term trends illustrated in Figure 1 and Table 1. These show:

  • the rate of growth of US nominal GDP is decelerating with time – i.e. the more recent the period of time the lower the growth rate of nominal US GDP.
  • China’s GDP growth rate in current dollar terms is accelerating – i.e. more recent periods show higher growth rates than older ones.

Continuation of such trends, of course, implies that linear projection of past growth rates, i.e. those not taking into account the deceleration of US nominal GDP growth and the acceleration of China’s, will tend to overstate the period until China’s GDP exceeds the US.

Figure 1

11 02 07 US & China GDP Growth

Table 1 11 02 16 Table 1

Taking precise figures, if the overall period from the beginning of China’s economic reforms, in 1978, to the latest available data for 2010 is considered then the annual rate of increase of US nominal GDP is 6.0 per cent. However if the most recent two decade period 1990-2010 is taken annual US nominal GDP growth is 4.8 per cent. If the most recent 10 year period 2000-2010 is taken then annual US GDP growth is 4.1 per cent. If the most recent 5 year period is taken, 2004 to 2009, then the annual average increase in US nominal dollar GDP is 3.1 per cent.

The deceleration of US GDP growth in terms of current prices and current exchange rates is therefore evident. An element in this, as analysed elsewhere, is not only the deceleration of US inflation rates in the recent period but also the gradual slowing of the US economy in real constant price terms (Ross, 2011c).

China shows the reverse trend. If the overall period since the start of economic reform, i.e. 1978-2010, is taken then China’s annual nominal dollar GDP growth is 12.2 per cent.15 If the most recent 20 year period 1990-2010 is taken then annual nominal GDP growth is 15.0 per cent. If the most recent 10 year period 2000-2010 is taken then annual nominal dollar GDP growth is 17.2 per cent (calculated from World Bank, 2010). If the most recent 5 year period is taken, 2005 to 2010, then the annual average increase in nominal dollar GDP is 21.1 per cent. The rate of growth of China’s GDP in nominal dollar terms has therefore clearly shown an accelerating trend.

To take a central illustrative case of such trends, if a linear projection of the last 10 year period is taken then the answer as to when China’s GDP will overtake the US at market exchange rates is 2019. As, however, the trend is for acceleration of China’s growth rate in nominal dollar terms, and for deceleration of the US, then 2019 might be taken, using this method, as an indication of an outer bound of when China’s GDP overtakes the US.

Sensitivity of the results

Fortunately, and interestingly, it again turns out that provided projections made using such estimates are within the realm of reasonable results based on past performance, then results are not extremely sensitive to precise figures used.

As shown in Table 2, if the ultra-favourable assumption for China were made that its annual growth rate in nominal dollar GDP remained that of the last five years, i.e. 21.1 per cent, and the growth rate of the US also remained at that of the last five years, i.e. 3.1 per cent, then China’s GDP still does not overtake the US until 2016 – however this five year period is too short to be used for serious projections, particularly as it includes the impact of the international financial crisis, and is therefore not taken here as part of the central results but treated as an outlier used for illustrative purposes. If China’s and the US’s 10 year average growth of nominal dollar GDP are taken, i.e. respectively 17.2% and 4.1%, then China’s GDP exceeds the US in 2019. If a 20 year average growth of nominal dollar GDP increase for China and the US is taken, respectively 15.0% and 4.8%, then China’s GDP exceeds the US in 2020.

In short, unless a drastic change in the relative behaviour of China and the US’s GDP is assumed, of a type not experienced in the last 20 years, then China’s GDP will exceed that of the US sometime in the period 2016-2021 with 2019 a central point of such a range. A graph for the latter projection, using 10 year averages, is shown in Figure 2.

A ‘quick and dirty’ sense check therefore coincides with analysis based on the wider series of values for real constant price growth rates, inflation rates and exchange rates.

Table 2

11 02 13 Table 2
Figure 2

11 01 23 US & GDP Growth Projections

The qualitative features

What conclusions may be drawn from the above data?

It is not particularly valuable to attempt to refine the figures further to arrive at a more precise date – too many elements, with too high a degree of uncertainty, exist to try to determine whether China’s GDP will exceed that of the US in, for example, 2018 or 2020. What is significant, however, is that on any input of the range of actual comparative performance during the last twenty years China’s economy, in current exchange rate terms, will exceed the US at some point during the period 2017-2021. Furthermore such a date range is not greatly sensitive to changes in reasonable, in light of past performance, inputs.

Such a finding has a precise economic meaning. It means that some fundamental change must take place in existing trends within approximately a ten year time frame for China’s GDP at market prices not to overtake the US in the period 2017-2021.

If, as pointed out above, PPP calculations lead to excessively early projections for when China’s GDP will exceed the US, it is equally the case that projections that China’s GDP will not overtake the US at market exchange rates within the range 2017-2021 have to rely on asserting that an absolutely fundamental change will take place during the next decade. The ‘status quo’ scenario is that China’s GDP at market exchange rates will exceed the US in this period.

While, of course, a sharp change in relative inflation or exchange rates could produce a significant change in the above trends most frequently those who assert that China’s GDP will not overtake the US during the coming decade postulate a major change in relative US and China constant price growth rates. For these to prevent China’s GDP overtaking the US at market exchange rates during the next ten years it must be postulated either that a fundamental acceleration of the US economy will occur or, as few analysts predict such a development, more usually it must be asserted that for some reason a severe slowing of China’s economy during the next decade will occur.16

It is perhaps due to a difficulty in accepting the reality of China overtaking the US as the world’s largest economy that there exists a large ‘catastrophist/drastic slowdown’ literature on China.17 Detailed examination of these various perspectives is beyond the scope of this paper. For present purposes it is sufficient to note that short of such a drastic slowdown in the near future, that is on the basis of continuation of the trends that have prevailed over the last decades, China’s GDP at market exchange rates will overtake the US approximately in 2017-2021.

For purposes of qualitative analysis, the simplest way to cut through the Gordian knot of detailed calculations is that China’s GDP ‘in approximately ten years time will be approximately the same size as the GDP of the US’. This will, of course, constitute a new period in world economic history.18

Conclusions

The following fundamental conclusions follow from the above data and review:

  • The majority of international analysis of China’s underestimated its growth and considered as likely to produce more favourable results ‘shock therapy’ pursued in the former USSR. It is no longer possible to sustain such analysis in the light of the test of economic development over almost three decades. China’s economic approach has been overwhelmingly more successful than shock therapy.
  • Even studies which have emphasised the shifting balance of economic weight towards emerging markets, such as those of Goldman Sachs and PWC, have nevertheless systematically underprojected China’s growth. They have therefore successively revised upwards their estimates for the development of China’s GDP.
  • The majority of such projections now estimate that China’s GDP in PPP terms will exceed that of the US in the period prior to 2020.
  • Such projections continue to lag behind trends as they do not grasp that China’s GDP at market prices will also equal the US in the period to 2017-2021.
* * *

This article originally appeared on the blog Key Trends in Globalisation.

Notes

1. The world ‘national’ is necessary to avoid ambiguity regarding the European Union (EU), which taken as a whole is larger than the US. However the EU is not a state integrated economy and its role in determining world economic policy is therefore significantly less than the US.

2. These show a gradual but clear long term slowing trend of annual US GDP growth, at constant prices, from its level of 3.4% over the last century, to a current 2.6% 20 year moving average and a 1.7% 10 year moving average (Ross, 2011a) (Ross, 2011d).

3. For a typical survey see (Aslund, 1995).

4. The term BRIC was first introduced in the paper Building Better Global BRICs (O’Neill, 2001) (O’Neill, Wilson, Purushothaman, & Stupnytska, 2005)

5. As Hawksworth and Tiwari note: ‘GDP at PPPs is a better indicator of average living standards or volumes of outputs or inputs, because it corrects for price differences across countries at different levels of development. However, GDP at MERs [Market Exchange Rates] is a better short term measure of the relative size of the economies from a business perspective, at least in the short term.’ (Hawksworth & Tiwari, 2011, p. 6).

6. The unweighted average daily dollar RMB exchange rate for 2010 is 6.7709 and on this basis China’s 2010 GDP was $5878.1. These figures are used for all calculations below.

7. The precise figure for US in 2010 was $14 660.2bn.

8. For a survey of methodologies and difficulties see (Deaton & Heston, 2008). Maddison stressed: ‘Exchange rates are a misleading indicator of comparative real values.’ (Maddison, 1998, p. 154)

9. For further details of this method of calculation see (Deaton & Heston, 2008).

10. It may seem surprising, in light of subsequent developments, that in 2001 Goldman Sachs was only predicting: ‘If the 2001/2002 outlook were to be repeated for the next 10 years, then by 2011 China will actually be as big as Germany on a current PPP basis.’ (O’Neill, 2001) By 2011 China’s GDP is in fact larger than every country in the world except the US.

11. In 2009 the Goldman Sachs studies concluded: ‘Since we first estimated the long-term growth potential of the BRIC… economies up to 2050, we have updated the original estimates four times… the size of all of the BRIC economies at the end of 2008 in current USD is much bigger than we originally estimated in 2003. In fact, each of them has grown to a size we didn’t expect to see until much later… China, which is about to overtake Japan (about six years earlier than we first thought) may become as big as the US within 20 years.’ (O’Neill & Stupnytska, 2009, p. 21)

12. Jim O’Neill noted in March 2009: ‘While I predicted a few years back that the BRIC economies would together be larger in dollar terms than the G7 by 2035, I now believe that this shift could happen much faster – by 2027.” (O’Neill, 2009b)

13. Making this point is not intended as a criticism of Goldman Sachs’ BRIC view. On the contrary Jim O’Neill’s was a brilliant case of how to get it right regarding fundamental trends. O’Neill has consistently made qualitative the right calls regarding China – for example in correctly estimating that China’s stimulus package to deal with the international financial crisis would be successful. As he noted in 2009, against critics who believed China would not be able to maintain a rapid growth rate confronted with a crisis in the US and other developed economies: ‘Who said decoupling was dead? The decoupling idea is that, because the BRICs rely increasingly on domestic demand, they can continue to boom even if their most important export market, the United States, slows dramatically… While many now say decoupling was a crazy idea… evidence suggests very strongly that it was working in a big way… At the heart of this shift in consumer power is China. Its total economy already equals that of the other three BRICs put together, and what happens to China is critical for the BRICs, and the world. With the authorities announcing plans to introduce medical insurance to 90 per cent of the rural community by 2011, a huge infrastructure-spending program and a massive easing of monetary and financial conditions, the only debate in my mind is exactly when China will restore its growth rate back above 8 percent.’ (O’Neill, 2009b)

Goldman Sachs, in short, placed itself on the right playing field. It was those who criticised Goldman Sachs views on BRIC who were shown to be quite wrong. If, in 2001, Goldman Sachs had projected China’s economy would be larger than the US by 2027 few would have taken such views seriously. The above points are made therefore simply made to clarify that far from Goldman Sachs BRIC views being too optimistic regarding the potential growth of China’s economy they underestimated its growth.

14. Evidently current price GDP calculations are of no use if real growth rates are being examined, but in this issue what is being examined is the relative size of the US and China’s economies for which current prices growth rates are valid.

15. These calculations assume China’s GDP at current exchange rates in 2010 to be $5 878.1 – the eventual official figure will produce an entirely marginal difference to the calculation.

16. This issue is different to the one of whether there is a tendency for economies to decelerate as they become more developed and therefore what will be China’s growth rate over a period say to 2030-2050. For China’s GDP not to overtake the US due to it decelerating such a slow down must, for reasons indicated above, take place during the next decade.

17.Dale Jorgenson, one of the world’s leading experts on productivity and growth, was noted by Reuters as stating that the, ‘United States will need to come to terms with the fact that its prevalence in the world is fated to come to an end,… This will be difficult for many Americans to swallow and the United States should brace for social unrest amid blame over who was responsible for squandering global primacy.’ Reuter’s also noted stronger predictions regarding China’s growth by some US economists: ‘MIT’s Simon Johnson put it more bluntly, saying the damage from the financial crisis and its aftermath have dealt U.S. prominence a permanent blow.”The age of American predominance is over,” he told a panel. “The (Chinese) Yuan will be the world’s reserve currency within two decades.”‘ (Felsenthal, 2011)

Authors of perspectives of drastic slow down of China’s economy continue for some reason to receive regular publicity for their views in sections of the media despite the fact that similar predictions have been falsified over several decades.A few examples may therefore be given:

– Gordon Chang’s The Coming Collapse of China asserted in 2002: ‘A half-decade ago the leaders of the People’s Republic had real choices. Today they do not. They have no exit. They have run out of time.’ (Chang, 2002, p. xxiii) This prediction ‘they have run out of time’ was followed by eight years of extremely rapid Chinese GDP growth.
– Michael Pettis projects a deceleration of China’s growth to 3-5 per cent over the rest of the decade – due to difficulties in developing consumption and other issues (Pettis, 2010).
– James Mackintosh, investment editor of the Financial Times, asserts: ‘There are plenty of potential triggers for a slowdown [in China]. Policy measures to control runaway food price inflation could work too well. The housing bubble in large cities could burst, rather than deflating slowly, and could hit over-indebted local authorities. Finally, the state-controlled banks may need another big injection of cash to make up for their wild lending over the past two years, taking resources away from the rest of the economy.’ (Mackintosh, 2011)
– James Rickards, former general counsel of hedge fund Long-Term Capital Management, and now the senior managing director for market intelligence at consulting firm Omnis, claims China is in the midst of ‘the greatest bubble in history’ stating that the Chinese central bank’s balance sheet resembles that of a hedge fund buying dollars and short-selling the yuan. (The Economic Times, 2010)

18. In terms used by Hawksworth, such a development would mean ‘ending over a century of US economic hegemony’ (Hawksworth, 2010).

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Felsenthal, M. (2011, January 9). Economists foretell of U.S. decline and China’s ascension. Retrieved January 14, 2011, from Reuters: http://uk.reuters.com/article/2011/01/09/uk-usa-economy-gloom-idUKTRE7082AW20110109?pageNumber=1

Hawksworth, J. (2010, January). Convergence, Catch-Up and Overtaking: How the balance of world economic power is shifting. Retrieved January 22, 2011, from PWC: http://www.ukmediacentre.pwc.com/imagelibrary/downloadMedia.ashx?MediaDetailsID=1626

Hawksworth, J. (2006, March). The World in 2050 – How Big Will the Major Emerging Market Economies Get and How Can the OECD Compete? Retrieved February 8, 2011, from PWC: http://www.pwc.com/gx/en/world-2050/pdf/world2050emergingeconomies.pdf

Hawksworth, J., & Cookson, G. (2008, March). The World in 2050 – Beyond the BRICs: a Broader Look at Emerging Market Growth Prospects. Retrieved February 8, 2011, from PWC: http://www.pwc.com/gx/en/world-2050/pdf/world_2050_brics.pdf

Hawksworth, J., & Tiwari, A. (2011, January). The World in 2050 – The Accelerating Shift of Global Economic Power: Challenges and Opportunities. Retrieved February 8, 2011, from PWC: http://www.pwc.com/en_GX/gx/world-2050/pdf/world-in-2050-jan-2011.pdf

International Monetary Fund. (2010, October). World Economic Outlook October 2010. Retrieved January 22, 2011, from International Monetary Fund: http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/weo/2010/02/weodata/index.aspx

Mackintosh, J. (2011, January 2011). History shows China slowdown due. Retrieved January 26, 2011, from Financial Times: http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/d64200b8-26c6-11e0-80d7-00144feab49a.html?ftcamp=rss#axzz1BfEyxaV7

Maddison, A. (1998). Chinese Economic Performance in the Long Run. Paris: Development Centre of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development.

Maddison, A. (2010). Statistics on World Population, GDP and Per Capita GDP, 1-2008 AD . Retrieved January 23, 2011, from Angus Maddison (1926-2010): http://www.ggdc.net/MADDISON/oriindex.htm

Maddison, A., & Wu, H. X. (n.d.). China’s Economic Performance: How Fast Has GDP Grown; How Big is it Compared with the USA. Retrieved January 15, 2011, from http://www.ggdc.net/MADDISON/oriindex.htm

National Bureau of Statistics of China. (2011, January 20). National Economy Showed Good Momentum of Development in 2010. Retrieved January 22, 2011, from National Bureau of Statistics of China: http://www.stats.gov.cn/enGliSH/newsandcomingevents/t20110120_402699463.htm

O’Neill, J. (2001, November 30). Building Better Global Economic BRICs Global Economics Paper No: 66. Retrieved January 24, 2011, from Goldman Sachs: http://www2.goldmansachs.com/ideas/brics/building-better.html

O’Neill, J. (2009, April 23). China show the world how to get through a crisis. Retrieved January 22, 2011, from Financial Times: http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/dd9b5a1e-2f9f-11de-a8f6-00144feabdc0.html#axzz1BfEyxaV7

O’Neill, J. (2009b, March 21). The New Shopping Superpower. Retrieved January 27, 2011, from Newsweek: http://www.newsweek.com/2009/03/20/the-new-shopping-superpower.html

O’Neill, J., & Stupnytska, A. (2009, December 4). The Long Term Outlook for the BRICs and N-11 Post Crisis Global Economics Paper No: 192. Retrieved January 27, 2011, from Goldman Sachs: www2.goldmansachs.com/ideas/brics/long-term-outlook-doc.pdf

O’Neill, J., Wilson, D., Purushothaman, R., & Stupnytska, A. (2005, December 1). How Solid are the BRICs Global Economics Paper No: 134. Retrieved January 25, 2011, from Goldman Sachs: http://www.goldman-sachs.com/ideas/brics/how-solid.html

Pettis, M. (2010, December 19). Chinese growth in 2011. Retrieved January 26, 2011, from China Financial Markets: http://mpettis.com/2010/12/chinese-growth-in-2011/

Rachman, G. (2011, January 16). When will China become the world’s largest economy? Retrieved January 19, 2011, from Financial Times: http://blogs.ft.com/rachmanblog/2011/01/when-will-china-become-the-worlds-largest-economy/

Ray, T. (2010, November 10). Conference Board: China’s GDP To Surpass U.S.? Retrieved January 19, 2011, from Barron’s: http://blogs.barrons.com/stockstowatchtoday/2010/11/10/conference-board-china-gdp-could-surpass-us-in-2012/

Ross, J. (2011c, January 17). Average economist predictions for US GDP would mean only 0.9% annual average growth over business cycle to end 2011. Retrieved January 25, 2011, from Key Trends in Globalisation: http://ablog.typepad.com/keytrendsinglobalisation/2011/01/average-projections.html

Ross, J. (2011b, January 13). Long-term and short-term cyclical prospects for US growth. Retrieved January 28, 2011, from http://ablog.typepad.com/keytrendsinglobalisation/2011/01/prospects-for-us-growth.html

Ross, J. (2011a, January 9). The long term slowing of the US economy – and its implications. Retrieved January 26, 2011, from Key Trends in Globalisation: http://ablog.typepad.com/keytrendsinglobalisation/2011/01/slowing_of_the_us_economy.html

Ross, J. (2011d, February 1). US 4th quarter 2010 GDP shows cyclical upturn and continued long term economic deceleration. Retrieved February 1, 2011, from Key Trends in Globalisation: http://ablog.typepad.com/keytrendsinglobalisation/2011/02/us-4th-quarter-2010-gdp.html

Ross, J. (1992, April 3). Why the economic reform succeeded in China and will fail in Russia and Eastern Europe. Retrieved February 10, 2011, from Key Trends in Globalisation: http://ablog.typepad.com/keytrendsinglobalisation/1992/04/why-the-economic-reform-succeded-in-china-and-will-fail-in-russia-and-eastern-europe.html

Subramanian, A. (2011, January 13). Is China Already Number One? New GDP Estimates. Retrieved January 19, 2011, from Peterson Institute for International Economics: http://www.piie.com/realtime/?p=1935

The Conference Board. (2011, January). The Conference Board Total Economy Database. Retrieved January 22, 2011, from The Conference Board: http://www.conference-board.org/data/economydatabase/

The Economic Times. (2010, March 18). ‘China faces the ‘greatest bubble’ in history’. Retrieved January 26, 2011, from The Economic Times: http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/international-business/China-faces-the-greatest-bubble-in-history/articleshow/5695593.cms

The Economist. (2010, December 16). Dating game: When will China overtake America? Retrieved January 19, 2011, from The Economist: http://www.economist.com/research/articlesBySubject/displayStory.cfm?story_id=17733177&subjectID=348918&fsrc=nwl

Ward, K. (2011, January). The World in 2050 – Quantifying the Shift in the Global Economy. Retrieved February 8, 2011, from HSBC Global Research: http://www.research.hsbc.com/midas/Res/RDV?ao=20&key=ej73gSSJVj&n=282364.PDF

Wilson, D., & Purushothaman, R. (2003, October 1). Dreaming with BRICs: The Path to 2050 Global Economics Paper No: 99. Retrieved January 27, 2011, from Goldman Sachs: http://www2.goldmansachs.com/ideas/brics/brics-dream.html

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John Rosshttps://www.blogger.com/profile/08908982031768337864noreply@blogger.com0

David Blanchflower On “The Long Slog” Ahead

.453ZDavid Blanchflower On “The Long Slog” Ahead

By Michael Burke

David Blanchflower argues that the British economy faces a long period of slow growth as it attempts to claw back the output lost since the recession began. In an excellent short piece in the New Statesman he lambasts the government as ‘growth deniers’ whose policy will prolong the slump. The full article is here

Below we reproduce his chart showing the current recession compared to previous recessions. At the moment, only the Great Depression of the 1930s looks set to have been worse than the current downturn.

11 02 12 Blachflower Chart

Government cuts taxes for banks – and bashes the rest of us

.998ZGovernment cuts taxes for banks – and bashes the rest of us

By Michael Burke

With great fanfare George Osborne has announced an increased of £800mn in the bank levy, up to £2.5bn. The BBC reports that the banks are ‘furious’ at bringing forward the rise in the levy

If so, it cannot be because of the financial costs. Even at the higher tax levy, the measures represent a tax cut for the banks compared to Labour’s modest taxes on banks and bonuses last year amounting to £400mn. In context, the output of the financial sector had recovered to a level equivalent to an annual £54bn in Q3, while bank bonuses are expected to be approximately £6bn over the next few weeks. Crucially, the four most profitable banks are expected to report profits of over £24bn in the current financial year, nearly 10 times the Osborne levy. This represents an increase of over 10% in profits in the previous year.

In addition, despite the claim that ‘we are all in this together’ corporate tax rates are being cut in stages from 28% currently to 24%. Since the excessive charges of the banks make them the most profitable section of capital, the main beneficiaries of these further tax cuts will be the banks.

Instead, the pantomime is played out so that George Osborne claims to be acting tough on the banks – yet refusing either to cut bonuses or instruct them to increase net lending. If there is any genuine annoyance in banking circles it only arises because a minor irritation is unexpectedly caused by a government so thoroughly representing banking interests.

Yet the populist grandstanding should come as no surprise. Labour is now consistently ahead of the Tories in the opinion polls – and still the bulk of the cuts has yet to come. The much more dangerous counterpart of the Tory response is the pandering to racism and Islamophobia in David Cameron’s speech proclaiming the ‘end of multiculturalism’.

The entire debate on banks and the deficit obscures the central fact that the bank bailout is a large multiple of the public sector deficit caused by the recession. The Office for National Statistics (ONS) has long delayed an assessment of the true cost of the bailout, arguing that Royal Bank of Scotland (RBS) and Lloyds – the two banks which have effectively been nationalised- were too large and complex to quantify. But in December 2010 the ONS finally published its estimate of the total cost of the bailout for the first time, including both Lloyds and RBS.

The numbers are dizzying. The debt of the public sector is £889bn, which is 59.3% of GDP . This is still below the Maastricht Treaty limit of 60% of GDP, and is one of the lowest in the EU. However, the bank-related debt is an additional £1,434bn, taking the total to 154.9% of GDP – one of the highest in the EU. Whereas the public sector debt was built up over decades the bank debt has all been incurred since 2008 and represents £25,000 in debt for every British citizen.

It is frequently argued that the bank debt is an investment, that there will be a positive return on the funds provided to the banks. But both the current share price of RBS and Lloyds is still more than 10% below the government’s average purchase price. Even if there is an eventual recovery in the share price (and they rose after Osborne’s announcement), there is a huge opportunity cost in not using those government funds for productive investment.

The key source of this weakness is the previous and now poorly-performing loans of the banking sector. The response of the banking sector is to hoard capital, and they are now awash with it.

US 4th quarter 2010 GDP shows cyclical upturn and continued long term economic deceleration

.758ZUS 4th quarter 2010 GDP shows cyclical upturn and continued long term economic decelerationBy John Ross

Summary

US GDP growth figures for the 4th quarter of 2010 of 3.2% came in below the average analyst forecast for the quarter of 3.5%. Cyclically the US economy is expanding but its growth rate is significantly slower than in previous post-World War II business cycles. Despite the cyclical upturn the long term slowing of the US economy, analysed in previous articles, therefore continues. The underlying reason for this deceleration remains the decline in US fixed investment.

Trends in this business cycle

To place the latest US economic data in comparative context, the performance of US GDP during successive business cycles since 1973 is shown in Figure 1. The label for each cycle is the year of the peak level reached by GDP in the previous cycle, with the data lines then showing the consequent recession and continuing to the high point of GDP in the expansion. For comparison trends lines for 2.6% and 1.7% growth are shown – these being, respectively, the current 20 year and 10 year moving averages for US GDP growth.

Figure 1

11 01 29 Recovery During Business Cycles

It may be seen that recovery in this US business cycle is slower than in previous cycles.

The 4th quarter of 2010 was three years after the peak of the previous business cycle in the 4th quarter of 2007. US GDP in the 4th quarter of 2010 was 0.1% above that previous peak level. In comparison:

  • three years after the beginning of the double dip recession commencing in 1980 US GDP was 0.6% above its previous peak level;
  • three years after the beginning of the recession starting in 1973 US GDP was 4.8% above its previous peak;
  • three years after the beginning of the recession beginning in 1990 US GDP was 5.3% above its previous peak;
  • three years after the beginning of the recession commencing in 2000 US GDP was 6.2% above its previous peak.

The slow pace of recovery of US GDP in the present business cycle compared to previous ones is therefore clear.

The results of the latest data on longer term US growth are shown in Figures 2 and 3 – showing respectively 20 year and 10 year moving averages for US growth rates. The latest 20 year moving average for US growth, to the 4th quarter of 2010, is 2.6% and the latest 10 year figure is 1.7%.

The deceleration of long term US growth is evident. The 20 year moving average of annual US GDP growth fell from a peak of 4.3%, in the 2nd quarter of 1969, to 2.6% in the 4th quarter of 2010. The 10 year moving average of US annual GDP growth has fallen from a peak of 5.0%, in the 2nd quarter of 1968, to 1.7% in the 3rd quarter of 2010.

Figure 2

11 01 29 GDP 20Y Mov Avg

Figure 3

11 01 29 US GDP 10Y Mov Avg

The slow rate of US economic recovery

To show the consequences for US growth if recovery were to continue at the present rate, Figure 4 shows 3.2% US GDP growth projected to the end of 2011 – this growth rate is both that for the latest quarter and the average projection, in economists polled by the Wall Street Journal, for US growth in 2011.

To take a comparison for the rate of recovery during US business cycles, the 4th quarter of 2011 will be exactly 4 years after the peak of the previous business cycle. Given 3.2% annualised growth until the end of 2011, US GDP in the 4th quarter of 2011 would be 3.4% above its previous peak. For comparison, after 4 years of the 1980 business cycle US GDP was 9.1% above its previous peak, in the 2000 business cycle the equivalent figure was 9.5%, after 4 years of the 1973 business cycle US GDP was 10.0% above its previous peak, and after 4 years of the 1990 business cycle US GDP was 10.5% above its previous peak.

Average growth over these cycles shows clearly the slow trend of the current recovery. Annual US GDP growth after 4 years of the 1980 business cycle averaged 2.3%, with the equivalent figures for the 2000 cycle being 2.4%, for the 1973 cycle 2.5%, and for the 1990 cycle 2.6%. However, given an average 3.2% growth until the end of 2011, annual average US GDP growth over 4 years of the present US business cycle would be only 0.9% – a slow recovery in comparison.

Figure 4

11 01 29 US Projected Recovery

Decline in investment

The reason for both the depth of the US recession and relatively slow growth during recovery in the present business cycle is clear. As analysed in previous articles the present US recession is dominated by the fall in fixed investment. Figure 5 shows, in constant price 2005 dollars, the change in the components of US GDP since the peak of the previous business cycle. As may be seen, both US GDP and all components of GDP, excluding the marginal decline in inventories, are now above their previous levels – except for fixed investment.

US GDP is $19bn above is previous peak level, while inventories are down a marginal $5bn. The increase in personal consumption is $89bn, the rise in government consumption is $131bn, and the increase in net exports is $168bn. However US private fixed investment is $386bn below its 4th quarter 2007 level.

As shown in Figure 6, the current decline in US fixed investment far exceeds that seen in previous post-World War II business cycles. In the 4th quarter of 2010 US private fixed investment was still 21.5% below its peak level – the latter being reached almost five years previously in the 1st quarter of 2006.

Not only is the depth of fall of fixed investment in this business cycle far greater than in the previous ones, but it is unprecedented in a post-World War II business cycle that after five years US private fixed investment is still below its previous peak.

Figure 5

Figure 6

11 01 29 Fixed Investment in Cycles

Decline in non-residential fixed investment

It is important to note that this decline in US fixed investment is not confined to the residential sector. As shown in Figure 7, approximately half the decline in fixed investment is due to decline in the residential sector and half to the non-residential sector – the fall, in constant price terms, in residential fixed investment is $197bn and the decline in non-residential fixed investment $193b.

Figure 7
10 06 28 UC Constant Prices Res & Non-Res

Figure 8 similarly illustrates that the decline in non-residential fixed investment in this business cycle is more severe than in previous cycles.

US non-residential fixed investment peaked in the first quarter of 2008 and by the 4th quarter of 2010, i.e. 11 quarters after this peak, was 12.5% below its previous highest level. After the same number of quarters in the 2000 cycle non-residential fixed investment was 9.9% below its previous peak, in the 1973 cycle 6.1% below its previous peak, in the 1980 cycle 5.4% below, and in the 1990 cycle 4.7% below its previous peak.Therefore the fall in non-residential fixed investment in this business cycle was more severe than in previous post-war cycles.

It is interesting to note that the slowest pace of recovery of non-residential fixed investment, prior to the present cycle, was in the 2000 cycle – i.e. recovery of non-residential fixed investment has been slower in the last two US business cycles than in previous ones. Such a slow rate of recovery of non-residential fixed investment would, of course, in large part explain the slowing long term rate of growth of the US economy.

Figure 8

11 01 30 Non-residential in cycles

The long term trend of US fixed investment

In order to show the structural consequence of this weakening trend of US investment, Figure 9 shows total US fixed investment, i.e. including both private and government fixed investment, as a percentage of GDP at current prices.

As may be seen, until the mid-1980s, with relatively short term fluctuations, US fixed investment remained relatively stable as a percentage of GDP – essentially centred on a level of 20% of GDP. This was, however, from the mid-1980s followed by a decline, with the percentage of fixed investment in GDP falling to 17.0% of GDP by 1991, recovery and then a lesser fall to 18.4% of GDP in 2002, and a precipitate drop to 15.3% of GDP in 2009.

In short, from the mid-1980s onwards, the level of fixed investment in the US has experienced both greater fluctuations and greater declines as a proportion of GDP. The consequence of the aftermath of Reaganite economics has therefore been a fall in US fixed investment as well as slower US growth rates.

Figure 9

11 01 30 US Total Fixed Investment

Figure 10 shows that this fall in US fixed investment affected not only the residential but also the non-residential sector. US non-residential fixed investment rose relatively steadily to a peak of 14.0% of GDP in 1981 but then began to decline overall and fluctuate more significantly – the low point being reached at 9.5% of GDP in 2009.

The fall in residential fixed investment after 2005, to a low of 2.5% of GDP in 2010, is evident in Figure 10.

In short the last two and a half decades have seen a significant fall in US fixed investment in both residential and non-residential sectors.

Figure 10

11 01 30 Fixed Inv Res & Non-Res

Conclusion

The US economy has continued to turn upwards after the Great Recession. Such cyclical recovery may be expected to continue in the coming period – as it has so far been in place for only six quarters. But the pace of economic US growth is significantly slower than in previous post-war economic cycles. It is insufficient to reverse the long term slowdown in the average growth rate of the US economy. Only a reversal of the underlying decline in US fixed investment would be sufficient to halt this slowing of the US economy.

For a longer term, and more detailed, analysis of the long term deceleration of the US economy readers are referred to an earlier article.

* * *

This article originally appeared on the blog Key Trends in Globalisation.John Rosshttps://www.blogger.com/profile/08908982031768337864noreply@blogger.com0

Average economist predictions for US GDP would mean only 0.9% annual average growth over business cycle to end 2011

.895ZAverage economist predictions for US GDP would mean only 0.9% annual average growth over business cycle to end 2011

By John Ross

Summary

A recent Wall Street Journal survey of economists revealed an average prediction of 3.2% US GDP growth in each quarter of 2011. This figure may be used to further clarify the analysis of US growth trends carried on this blog and discussion of the conclusions of Gavyn Davies, Jim O’Neill, and others regarding the issue.

A previous post noted the US economy has been slowing for several decades. The average growth rate currently projected for cyclical US recovery is insufficient to reverse such gradual but long term deceleration. The implications of 3.2% growth to the end of 2011 are that US GDP would have grown at an average of only 0.9% in 4 years of the current business cycle – substantially below trend to an equivalent point in previous post-World War II cycles. Such a 3.2% growth rate, even maintained for a 4 year period, would not reverse the US economy’s long term deceleration.

Therefore, unless there is a sharp acceleration of US growth above current projections, the trend of long term slowdown of the US economy will continue.

Trends in US business cycles

To allow comparison of US performance during business cycles, Figure 1 shows quarter by quarter economic growth in each US cycle since 1973. The lines show the development from the peak of the preceding cycle, through the cyclical recession, to the final quarter of growth before the ensuing recession – the year indicated for each line is the starting one for the the cycle. For comparison a 2.5% annual growth trend line and a 1.7% annual growth trend line are shown – these being respectively average the 20 year and 10 year US annual growth up to the latest available US GDP data for the 3rd quarter of 2010. For the latest business cycle, starting in the 4th quarter of 2007, a 3.2% growth projection for five quarters after the latest available data, i.e. to the end of 2011, has been added.

It may be seen from Figure 1 that 3.2% growth to the end of 2011 would leave US GDP growth considerably below that in the equivalent stages of previous US business cycles. .

Figure 1

11 01 15 3.2% US GDP Projection

Taking comparisons, the 4th quarter of 2011 is exactly 4 years after the peak of the previous business cycle in the 4th quarter of 2007. Given 3.2% annualised growth until the end of 2011, US GDP in the 4th quarter of 2011 would be 3.4% above its previous peak. For comparison, after 4 years of the 1980 business cycle US GDP was 9.1% above its previous peak, in the 2000 business cycle the equivalent figure was 9.5%, after 4 years of the 1973 business cycle US GDP was 10.0% above its previous peak, and after 4 years of the 1990 business cycle US GDP was 10.5% above its previous peak.

Average growth over the cycles shows trends clearly. Annual US GDP growth after 4 years of the 1980 business cycle averaged 2.3%, with the equivalent figures for the 2000 cycle being 2.4%, for the 1973 cycle 2.5%, and for the 1990 cycle 2.6%. However, given an average 3.2% growth until the end of 2011, the annual average US GDP growth over the 4 years of the present US business cycle would only be 0.9% – self-evidently a significantly slow recovery in comparison.

10 and 20 year moving averages

To show the effect of such performance on longer term US growth rates, Figure 2 shows the 10 year moving average of US GDP growth with a projection of 3.2% growth until the end of 2011. Figure 3 shows the same projection analysed in terms of a 20 year moving average.

Figure 2

11 01 15 10 Year M Avg with 3.2% Projection

Figure 3

11 01 15 20Y M Avg 3.2% Projectioin

As Figures 2 and 3 show the average economists prediction of 3.2% growth in 2011 would be insufficient to reverse the long term slowdown in US growth whether a 20 year or a 10 year moving average is taken.

Considering the 20 year moving average, 3.2% US GDP growth to the end of 2011 would raise 20 year average US GDP growth to 2.7% from the present 2.5% – still below the 3.0% in the 4th quarter of 2007, before the current cyclical downturn commenced, and which was itself below the long term rate of growth of US GDP.

Taking the 10 year moving average, 3.2% US GDP growth to the end of 2011 would raise the 10 year average growth figure to 2.0% from the present 1.7% – still well below the 2.9% in the 4th quarter of 2007.

Therefore it is clear that 3.2% growth in 2011 would be insufficient to reverse the long term deceleration of US growth.

Long term consequences of a 3.2% growth rate

Taking a longer time frame, it is also clear that a much more prolonged period of growth rates at current projections would not greatly alter the situation regarding failure to reverse the gradual but clear long term slowdown of the US economy. To show this, Figure 4 illustrates the result of 3.2% US GDP growth maintained until the end of 2015, i.e. over a 4 year period, for a moving 10 year US annual average growth rate. Figure 5 shows the same for a 20 year moving average. It may be seen that in neither case would a reversal of the long term deceleration of US growth rates occur.

Figure 4

11 01 15 10Y to 2011Figure 5

11 01  15 20 Y to 2015

Taking figures, 3.2% US growth maintained until the end of 2015 would raise the 20 year moving average for US growth to 2.7%, compared to 3.0% in the 4th quarter of 2007, before the current recession, and raise the 10 year moving average for growth to 2.1% compared to 2.9% in the 4th quarter of 2007.

Even a 4 year period at currently projected growth rates would not reverse the long term slowing of the US economy. Only if there were an acceleration of US growth rates to levels significantly above those currently projected would the gradual but progressive slowing of the US economy be reversed.

Conclusion

Analysis of prospects for the US economy has tended to concentrate on “spectacular” or short term trends such as predictions of double dip recession, Japan style prolonged stagnation, or fast cyclical growth. The fundamental trend in the US economy, however, is its long term slowing

from its historic growth rate. Current projections for US growth rates would not alter this deceleration.

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This article originally appeared on the blog Key Trends in Globalisation.John Rosshttps://www.blogger.com/profile/08908982031768337864noreply@blogger.com1

Long-term and short-term cyclical prospects for US growth

.814ZLong-term and short-term cyclical prospects for US growth

By John Ross

Gavyn Davies, chair of Fulcrum Asset Management and former head of global economics at Goldman Sachs, launched a discussion on his Financial Times blog on prospects for US economic growth. This, among other issues, refers to material which has appeared here.

This discussion, as both Gavyn Davies and the present author note, highlights the need for clarity in distinguishing between short-term cyclical and longer term trends in US growth and problems in perspective that arise if the two are conflated.

The aim of the present article is therefore to provide some precise numbers which clarify these points. This also gives parameters by which to judge US short (and long) term growth performance as economic data is released – the US will publish new GDP data, for the 4th quarter of 2010, on 28 January.

Assumptions on US economic growth

Gavyn Davies referred to an article which appeared here entitled “The long term slowing of the US economy”. This noted the progressive long term deceleration of the US economy.

If a 20 year moving annual average of US GDP growth is compared at 10 yearly intervals, then 20 year annual average growth to the 3rd quarter of 1970 was 3.8%, to the 3rd quarter of 1980 3.6%, to the 3rd quarter of 1990 3.2%, to the third quarter of 2000 3.2%, and to the 3rd quarter of 2010 2.5%. For further details readers are referred to the article.

Gavyn Davies confirmed the article’s overall trend conclusion on the long term deceleration of US growth and provided further information on US GDP per capita GDP, which had not been dealt with in the article. He commented: “The rate of [US] growth has clearly slowed down in recent decades. I do not think this trend has been arrested or reversed, but there could still be scope for several years of cyclical recovery.”

I strongly agree with emphasising this distinction and it therefore further clarifies the discussion if definite numbers are plugged in.

Gavyn Davies, and Jim O’Neill chairman of Goldman Sachs Asset Management, both suggest as parameters of strong US growth performance in the coming period figures in the region of an annualised 3-4%.

Gavyn Davis noted positively: “according to the ISM business surveys and much other data published lately, the growth rate of [US] GDP may have risen to around a 3.5 to 4 per cent rate.” Jim O’Neill wrote: “A number of quarters of 3-4% or more real GDP growth are likely in the next couple of years.”

Certainly, compared to recent US growth performance, an annualised 3-4% would be high – the current US 5 year average annual growth is 0.9% and current 3 year growth is zero.

However, it should be noted that such stronger cyclical growth would still be insufficient to halt the long term slowing of the US economy. To show this Figure 1 shows the 20 year moving average for US GDP growth with two projections for the next two years 2011 and 2012 – that US growth is 3% or 4% in the nine successive quarters from the latest available data (the 3rd quarter of 2010) to the end of 2012. Figure 2 shows the same projections using a 10 year moving average.

It may be seen from Figures 1 and 2 that neither a 3% or a 4% growth rate sustained over the next two years would be sufficient to reverse the long term deceleration of the US economy.

Figure 1

11 01 12 US 20 Year Projections

Figure 2

11 01 12 US 10 Year Projections

Results of projections

Taking first a 20 year moving average, if a 3% US growth rate were maintained to the end of 2012 the 20 year US annualised growth rate would advance from 2.5% to 2.7%. If 4% growth were maintained for two years then the US 20 year moving growth average would be 2.8%.

However in the 4th quarter of 2007, that is the quarter before the start of the current US recession, the 20 year moving average growth rate was 3.0% – and as can be seen from Figure 1 this was a decline from the US rate of growth in previous decades. Therefore neither 3% nor 4% growth for the next two years would be sufficient to reverse the long term decline in the US growth rate.

Turning to a 10 year average, 3% growth over the next two years would take the 10 year US growth rate to 2.0% and 4% growth would take it to 2.3%. However the US 10 year moving average growth in the 4th quarter of 2007 was a significantly higher 2.9%.

Therefore annual average US GDP growth over years of 3-4%, as may be seen from Figures 1 and 2, would be insufficient to halt the declining trend of US 10 year GDP growth.

Longer term projections

It is indeed striking that even if 3-4% annual growth were continued for over four years, until the 4th quarter of 2014, this would still not be enough to reverse the slowing long term trend of US growth. A 4% US growth rate sustained until the end of 2014, for 17 successive quarters, would take the 20 year annual average of US growth to 2.8% and the 10 year average to 2.4%. A 3% US growth rate sustained until the end of 2014 would take the 10 year annual average growth rate to 2.0% and the 20 year annual average to 2.6%.

In neither case would this be sufficient to take the long term US growth rate back to pre-recession levels.

Recovery in business cycles

This above data illustrates, of course, that trends and cycles are not separate. Closer examination indicates that the long term slowing of the US economy is due not simply to deeper recessions, most notably the present one, but to slower growth during expansions. Long term deceleration of the US economy is a result both of the depth of recessions and of the relative slowing of recoveries.

To illustrate this the fundamental data regarding successive US business cycles is illustrated in Figure 3. This shows economic growth in each US cycle since 1973. The lines show the development from the peak of the preceding cycle, through the cyclical recession, to the final quarter of growth before the next recession – the year indicated for each line is the starting year of the cycle. For comparison a 2.5% annual growth trend line and a 1.7% annual growth trend line are shown – these being respectively average 20 year and 10 year US annual growth to the latest available data.

Figure 3

11 01 11 US Recovery during business cycles

The fundamental trends shown by Figure 3 are clear. The current business cycle naturally saw the deepest fall of US GDP in any post-World War II recession. The 1973, 1980 and 1990s cycles culminated in annual average growth over the cycle above the 2.5% trend, while the 2000 and 2007 cycles showed growth below it – which simply illustrates in detail the long term slowing of the US economy.

The 2007 recession shows a trend which is so far significantly below both the 2.5% 20 year annual average and the 1.7% 10 year US average. Failure of US growth to eventually finish above these figures over the cycle would confirm a further slowing of the US economy.

Comparisons of US growth

Such trend rates of US growth in previous cycles give an appropriate benchmark for considering US economic recovery. Evidently, if a comparison is made to extreme scenarios then US performance might appear strong.

Jim O’Neill, for example, makes a comparison to Japan’s two decade long stagnation after 1990: “My hunch for the surprise of 2011 is that the US will positively shake people up… I believed that in spite of the considerable challenges for the consumer, the US economy would not fall into a Japan-style abyss of a lost decade or two. The evidence that the US will not go down this route will, I suspect, be this year’s surprise.”

By comparison to Japan’s post-1990 performance US performance of course would appear robust. But only if it were held that there was a major chance the US could enter a Japanese 1990s style stagnation would the fact that it did not do so constitute a surprise. An exaggerated standard of comparison has the inevitable effect of making US economic performance appear “strong”.

When making a more sober and quantitative standard of comparison, however, Jim O’Neill’s data is not precise and therefore obscures an appropriate comparison – precisely the slowing trend of US long term growth. He writes: “underlying productivity performance, together with its relatively more favourable demographic dynamics, suggested to me that the US might at some stage shift back into a growth trend of close to 3%… the behaviour of both the Federal Reserve and post midterm election Congress has probably allowed the momentum to take the US back into its growth trend…. A number of quarters of 3-4% or more real GDP growth are likely in the next couple of years.”

But, as the data given above shows, 3 per cent has not been US trend growth for more than 20 years – as noted 20 year US trend growth is 2.5% and 10 year trend growth is 1.7%. Nor, as illustrated above, would 3-4% GDP growth over the next couple of years reverse the long term slowdown of the US economy.

Speed of growth in previous US expansions

Indeed figures of 3-4% growth during recovery would be significantly below those experienced in US business cycles. For example, US GDP in the third quarter of 2010, the latest available data, was 0.6% below its peak in the 4th quarter of 2007 – i.e. after 11 quarters. By chance 11 quarters after the start of the US double dip recession of 1980 (in 4th quarter 1982), the previous most serious US post-World War II recession, US GDP was also 0.6% below its peak. The annualised growth in the succeeding quarters was then 5.0%, 9.0%, 7.9% and 8.3% – i.e. of a totally higher order of magnitude than the 3-4% recovery rates currently being projected in this US business cycle.

Even if the post-1980 cycle is discounted as being particularly strong, the post-1990 cycle saw three quarters with more than 6% annualised US GDP growth and six quarters additional quarters with more than 5% annualised growth – i.e. nine quarter of above 5% annualised growth. So “a number of quarters of 3-4% or more real GDP growth are likely in the next couple of years” would not represent a strong performance.

It is true that the post-2000 cycle only saw two quarters with more than 5% annualised growth but this precisely reflected the slowing of the US economy to the 2.5% 20 year average and 1.7% 10 year moving average. The projections made by Jim O’Neill would, therefore, not constitute strong US economic growth in historically comparative terms and would be insufficient to reverse the long term slowdown of the US economy. This is a more appropriate scale of comparison.

Glass half-full and glass half-empty

Finally, to summarise the importance of the necessary distinction between short term cyclical and longer term trends, the old analogy of a glass half-full or a glass half-empty might be used.

Taking first the “glass half-full”, the above data shows there is considerable potential for a near term US cyclical upturn even within the framework of a long term slowing of the US economy. If the reasonable assumption is made that the long term deceleration of US growth is determined by structural factors, and long term acceleration cannot occur without a change in these structural factors, then it is nevertheless clear from the above data that even without any structural changes US growth could average 3-4% over the next two years – i.e. such a growth rate would not require overturning the structural elements creating long term US slowing. This is simply because 3-4% growth over the next two years would actually be consistent with the pattern of long term slowing of the US economy, and would be weaker than in previous cyclical recoveries.

This, of course, is not a prediction that US growth over the next two years will average 3-4% – this depends on more short term factors. It is merely a statement that there would appear to be no element in the data on long term trends in US growth that would prevent an acceleration of growth to 3-4% over the next two year period. This might well have favourable consequences for US equity and other markets – that is, the short term cyclical pattern might be considered a “glass half-full”.

But the “glass half-empty” is that even growth rates of the 3-4% type projected over the next two years, or even for a four year period, would be insufficient to reverse the long term deceleration of the US economy. Only a US recovery at growth rates substantially above those currently projected, and/or sustained for significantly long periods, would reverse the trend of the long term slowing of the US economy.

Conclusions

What conclusions derive from the above? Two self-evidently “spectacular” perspectives for the US economy, either a 1929 style depression or a post-1990 Japanese style stagnation, are not supported by the data. However a more “mundane” but significant one is. The US economy has been decelerating for several decades. None of the rates of growth presently projected for cyclical US recovery are sufficient to reverse this gradual but long term slowing of the US economy.

This result may appear more prosaic than some other scenarios, but given the central role played by the US in the world economy its results are likely to to be profound.

Gavyn Davies’ initiating of a thorough, and clarificatory, discussion on prospects for US growth is therefore very welcome.

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This article originally appeared on the blog Key Trends in Globalisation.John Rosshttps://www.blogger.com/profile/08908982031768337864noreply@blogger.com0

The long term slowing of the US economy – and its implications

.122ZThe long term slowing of the US economy – and its implications

By John Ross

Summary

Current discussions on the US economy have tended to focus on shorter term issues – the likelihood, or otherwise, of a double dip recession, or perspectives of short term accelerations or decelerations in the US business cycle. These are significant issues. But they may obscure a more fundamental but less commented on trend – a long term deceleration of the US economy which has been under-way for several decades.

The long term annual growth rate of the US economy has slowed from its historical average of 3.4% to a 20 year moving average of 2.5% and 10 year moving average of 1.7%. As the US remains the world’s largest economy, and the single most important influence on international economic trends, the importance of such long term deceleration is self-evident.

This article focuses on establishing the facts of this gradual structural deceleration of the US economy. Further implications of this trend are considered in the conclusion of the article.

Background

To understand the significance of the long term deceleration of the US economy it is important to note that, in relative terms, the steady growth rate of the US economy was a central feature of the world economy for the last 120 years.

Taking the historical period 1889 to 2009, US annual GDP growth averaged 3.4%. As shown in Figure 1, with the exception of the fluctuations during and between World Wars I and II, a striking feature of US growth is its regularity. A virtual ruler might be placed along the US growth path for much of this 120 year period – a pattern strikingly differing from the majority of other economies.

Figure 1

11 01 06 US GDP 1889-2009

Long term deceleration

Despite this considerable regularity in US economic growth a very gradual slowdown is visible in Figure 1. This trend may be seen more clearly by taking historical average growth rates over different periods to the latest available annual data – for 2009. Such long term growth rates, taken at 10 year intervals, are illustrated in Figure 2. The number of years indicated under the bars are the period over which the average growth rate is calculated up to 2009 and the percentages above the bars indicate the annual average GDP growth rate during the period.

Figure 2

11 01 07 US Annual Average Growth

Taking first the longest timescales, in the 120 year period 1889-2009, as already noted, annual average US GDP growth was 3.4%. During the 70 year 1939-2009 annual average US GDP growth was 3.6% etc.

Taking very long term 120 to 70 year periods, US growth rates remained essentially constant or arguably mildly accelerated – the lowest average annual growth in this period was 3.3% and the highest 3.6%.

From this point on, however, it may be seen from Figure 2 that US growth decelerates slowly but perceptibly and continuously. The 70 year annual average growth rate to 2009 (1939-2009) is 3.6%, the 60 year rate (1949-2009) is 3.3%, the 50 year rate (1959-2009) is 3.1%, the 40 year rate (1969-2009) is 2.8%, the 30 year rate (1979-2009) is 2.7%, the 20 year rate (1989-2009) is 2.5%, and the 10 year rate (1999-2009) is 1.9%.

The trend of deceleration is unequivocal. The US 10 year growth rate is now only slightly over half of the historical growth rate of the US economy. The more recent the period the slower the average US growth rate – i.e the US economy is decelerating with time.

As will be seen below, extending the data to the most recently available lowers the figures marginally further.

Recent trends

In order to illustrate post-World War II trends in the US economy more clearly, Figure 3 shows a 20 year moving average for US annual GDP growth – the 20 year period being chosen as sufficient to smooth out cyclical fluctuations. The calculation is for each quarter up to the most recently available data – that for the 3rd quarter of 2010.

The gradual, but clear, downward trend in the rate of US GDP growth is evident. The 20 year moving average of annual US GDP growth fell from a peak of 4.3%, in the 2nd quarter of 1969, to 2.5% in the 3rd quarter of 2010. There was some recovery centred on the 1990s, although insufficient to regain previous growth rates, followed by a sharper decline to the most recent period.

If a 20 year moving annual average is compared at 10 yearly intervals, then the 20 year annual average growth to the 3rd quarter of 1970 was 3.8%, to the 3rd quarter of 1980 3.6%, to the 3rd quarter of 1990 3.2%, to the third quarter of 2000 3.2%, and to the 3rd quarter of 2010 2.5%.

In short the recent sharp deceleration of the US economy is an extension of a gradual but clear long term decline in the US growth rate.

Figure 3

11 01 09 20Y Mov Avg

In order to show the timing of the trend more clearly, Figure 4 superimposes a 10 year moving average US annual GDP growth on the 20 year moving average. Evidently a 10 year moving average shows greater fluctuations than the 20 year moving average, but the downward trend is also clear.

The 10 year moving average of US annual GDP growth has fallen from a peak of 5.0%, in the 2nd quarter of 1968, to 1.7% in the 3rd quarter of 2010. The deterioration due to the international financial crisis, of course, also shows more sharply using a 10 year moving average.

Figure 4

11 01 07 10Y & 20Y Moving Averages

Implications

To summarise, the data clearly show a long term slowing of the US economy. The recent worsening of economic performance is not purely cyclical but is superimposed on a more long term slowing of the US economy. There are numerous implications of such a trend. Among these are:

1. It is significant to study short term fluctuations in the US economy, for example whether there will be a double dip recession (unlikely) or how strong will be the short term cyclical recovery. However a more fundamental trend is the long term slowing of the US economy.

2. As US GDP growth outperformed the other main developed economies in Europe and Japan in the most recent periods, but the US economy was itself slowing, this gap was wholly due to the poor performance of Europe and Japan and not acceleration in the US.

3. The lack of success of Reaganite/neo-Liberal policies in the US is evident from the data. Recent US growth rates are slower than those either in the period of “Keynesian” dominance of US economic policy, from World War II to the 1970s, or during US growth prior to World War II.

4. “New economy” claims, that is of a new period of rapid US growth based on Information Technology from the 1990s onwards, do not withstand statistical examination. Higher levels of US investment during the 1990s partially reversed slowing rates of US growth but this was temporary, and was followed by a new decline of US growth to a lower level than previously.

5. Claims by economists, for example Barro, that “U.S. data do not reveal major changes… in the average rate of economic growth” are incorrect.1 On the contrary, as shown above, the US economy is slowing with time.

6. Careful analysis must evidently be made, in the the light of data above, of figures used to project US economic growth. As the US is currently recovering from deep recession, above average trend growth would be expected in the immediate period. This would tend to lead statistically to convergence over the cycle to an average US growth rate. But what average should be taken? It would appear clear from the data above that taking a 3.4% historic US average GDP growth rate is too high. For example, should a 20 year average or a 10 year moving average be taken? As these are respectively 2.5% and 1.7% this is a significant difference.2

7. The rapid growth decrease in the gap in total GDP between developing and developed economies clearly reflects not only acceleration in developing economies but also slow down in the most important developed economy, i.e the US.

As the long term slowing of the US economy is evident from statistical data, it must be integrated into analyses of both the US and international economies.

Notes

1. Robert J Barro, Macroeconomics: A Modern Approach, Thompson South Western 2008 p6.

2. The IMF in its latest World Economic Outlook predicts 1.7% US average GDP growth over the period 2009-2015 – i.e. the 10 year moving average. Long term projections, such as those in the recent PWC study The World in 2050 have tended to use projected US growth rates of around 2.4%. This is not apparently unreasonable, as it approximates to the US 20 year moving average, but given the tendency of the US economy to structural slowing, a downside risk clearly exists in such projections. A 2.4% growth rate would imply significant acceleration from that experienced by the US in the last 10 years – in which case explanation of such acceleration must be supplied given that the US economy has tended to slow and not acclerate.

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This article originally appeared on the blog Key Trends in Globalisation.

John Rosshttps://www.blogger.com/profile/08908982031768337864noreply@blogger.com0

China’s growth, China’s cities, and the new global low-carbon industrial revolution

.226ZChina’s growth, China’s cities, and the new global low-carbon industrial revolution

A look at the by Nicholas Stern by Mark Watts

A thoughtful paper by Nick Stern,‘China’s growth, China’s cities, and the new global low-carbon industrial revolution’, published without great fanfare before Xmas, demonstrates that the widely promulgated view that China is rushing into exponential economic growth without regard to the growing environmental consequences is wide of the mark.

While most commentators fail to get past the frequently repeated statistics that China is now the biggest carbon emitter in the world and builds a new coal fired power station every week, Lord Stern, author of the eponymous ‘Stern Review’ on the economics of climate change, takes a closer look at the direction of Chinese environment and energy policy.

As Stern sets out “China is already at the forefront of the development of new low-carbon technologies and China has a great deal to gain by being in the vanguard of this new global growth story..China’s clear and strong action has been inadequately recognised and understood around the world."

Stern’s analysis is that China has no intention of simply aping the economic growth path of western countries:

“It is a profound and dangerous mistake to ignore these opportunities and to see the transition to low-carbon growth as a burden and a growth-reducing diversion. That mistake arises if you apply the crude growth models from the middle of the last century with their emphasis on fixed technologies, limited substitution possibilities, and simplistic accumulation. Modern growth models are about learning and technical change, and about substituting new inputs; and these models will also have to embrace interactions with the environment in terms of its influence on possibilities for both consumption and production…

“That is why I was so happy to learn, from a senior figure in the planning process, about the outline of the 12th plan, published in Chinese a few days ago. It does indeed embody a new model of growth, with its emphasis on domestic consumption and on efficiency. Together they will allow reduced saving rates without reducing growth rates. Further, and also of great importance, are the absolute cap on energy and the close attention to policies to reduce emissions. This plan is a landmark for China and for the world.”

While China’s future plans may be impressive, it is right that the country should be judged on its existing record. But as a report last year by the Climate Group, ‘China’s Clean Revolution: opportunities for a low carbon future’, demonstrated, China’s record on decarbonising its economy is far better than most popular perception would expect. For example:

· Since 1980 the energy intensity of the Chinese economy per unit of GDP produced has fallen by 60%

· 65% of all solar water heater installations in the world are in China

· 50% of all solar water heater manufacture takes place in China, along with 30% of global supplies of photo-voltaic panels (40% including Taiwan)

· While electric vehicles are still experimental in Europe and north America, there are already 50 million electric bikes on Chinese roads and China has the first mass produced hybrid plug-in car

· While the volume of car sales in China last year overtook those in the US, 60% of the Chinese market is for compact, more energy efficient vehicles

· Growth in installed wind turbines is faster in China than any country in the world, with wind power generating capacity topping 12mkWh in 2008, and doubling each year

China’s contribution to tackling climate change is, of course, crucial. As Nick Stern puts it:

“Starting at the current global level of 47 billion tonnes of CO2e p.a., the most plausible paths [to avoid irreversible catastrophic climate change] pass well below 35 billion tonnes of CO2e in 2030, and well below 20 billion tonnes of CO2e in 2050. These numbers, 35 billion tonnes in 2030 and 20 billion tonnes in 2050, are crucial. If we are serious about a reasonable chance of 2°C they are essentially global constraints. If we break them as a world it will be very difficult to catch up later. We cannot negotiate with the environment and the laws of physics and chemistry.

“For a 2°C path, the world’s average emissions per capita have to be around or below 4 tonnes of CO2e by 2030 (this is clear from dividing the constraints ‘well below 35 billion tonnes’ by a likely world population of 8 billion in 2030). Thus China’s emissions per capita would likely have to be in 2030 around or below its current level of 6-7 tonnes for the world to have some chance of a 2°C path. That would mean that China would have to return to something like a total of 8-9 billion tonnes of emissions by 2030. In other words, if China is to grow at 7% p.a. for the next two decades and we hope, because China is still a poor country, growth rates will be at least 7%, it would have to cut emissions per unit of output by a factor of 4 over 20 years: if output goes up by a multiple of 4 in two decades and emissions return to their 2010 level in 2030 then emissions per unit of output must be cut by a factor of 4 in that period. This would mean cutting emissions per unit of output by 50% each decade or 29% in each five-year plan.”

Thus, while China’s per capita emissions remain only around a quarter of that of the average US citizen, and Stern argues “we must recognise the deep historical injustice in that the rich countries became wealthy with high-carbon growth but the poorest countries will be hit earliest and hardest by climate change.”

“Nevertheless China’s size and its growth make it inescapably central to any future efforts to manage climate change.. There is no country more important than China in leading the way to a radically different, more dynamic, and much more desirable form of growth. There is no more important power than the power of the example. China and the world as a whole have so much to gain from its leadership.”

· Nick Stern’s policy paper ‘China’s growth, China’s cities, and the new global low-carbon industrial revolution’ is published by the Centre for Climate Change Economics and Policy, Grantham Research Institute on Climate Change and the Environment’.

Why the British economy shrank in the last quarter

.615ZWhy the British economy shrank in the last quarter

By Michael Burke

The fact that British GDP actually contracted by 0.5% in the 4th quarter of 2010 shocked many observers. It meant a decline after a year of moderate expansion. The fall means the British economy is now at a lower level than it was at the end of 2008, less than half way through the recession. The consensus among surveyed economists was that the economy would grow by 0.5% in Q4 – but even this would have represented a slowdown from the previous, modest pace of economic recovery. This is illustrated in Figure 1 below, which shows the slowing trend of the economy even before the latest awful data.

Figure 1

11 01 25 Figure 1

The government attempted to dismiss the data as simply reflecting the effects of severe weather at the end of last year. But Joe Grice, head of the Office for National Statistics (ONS) says that their best estimate is that the economy would have recorded zero growth in the quarter without the extreme weather conditions. Although this is not outright contraction, it is clear from the ONS statement that the underlying trend towards a marked slowdown in the economy continues.

Why Slowdown Now?

The question remains as to why the economy is on a slowing trend, especially as it is just 1 year into a modest recovery after the deepest recession since the 1930s? To analyse that it is important to examine the prior data. The first snapshot of the GDP data is simply an output measure, with limited detail and information on allocation of incomes or sources of expenditure. There is too no fine-grained data on the monetary value of GDP in the first release, so here only the data up to the third quarter of 2010 is examined, before the economy contracted once more.

In Figure 2 the real monetary value of GDP and its components is shown, from the peak level at the beginning of 2008 to Q3 2010.

Figure 2

11 01 25 Figure 2

From the peak of the boom in Q1 2008 to Q3 2010 (the most recent data, which excludes the contraction in Q4) real GDP has fallen by £54.3bn. The major contributor to this slump remains the decline in investment, Gross Fixed Capital Formation (GFCF). It fell by £31.1bn, or 57% of the total fall. Household spending also fell by £25.3bn as falling real incomes, rising unemployment and expectations of worse to come all took their toll. But this is less than half the decline in investment. Offsetting those declines somewhat is the small rise in net exports, up £8.5bn. But the major upward contributor has been the increase in government spending, which rose by £11.4bn.

Clearly while investment has been the main source of the recession, government spending has been the main prop for the recovery. But in the national accounts data the level of GFCF from two sources, the private and the public sectors are brought under the same heading. This conforms to national accounting data in the EU and elsewhere. But in the US GFCF is separated into private and public components (as well as further subdivided into housing etc). If the same distinction is made between private and public investment in Britain, an even more striking picture emerges. This is because government investment was more than rising even while total GFCF was contracting.

Over the course of the recession, as we have already noted, total GFCF fell by £31.1bn. But within that total, private sector investment fell by £40.4bn, while the government’s own investment rose by £9.3bn. This took the form of increased capital spending in areas such as the “Building Schools for the Future” programme, as well as hospital refurbishment and infrastructure investment and was part of the Labour government’s 2009 response to the crisis.

This distinction is shown in Figure 3. The category of GFCF has now become private sector GFCF, while government spending is comprised of government current spending as before plus the increase in government investment.

Figure 3

11 01 25 Figure 3

From Figure 3 it can be seen that the collapse in private sector investment is almost entirely responsible for the economic crisis- £40.4bn of a decline of £54.3bn, or three-quarters of the entire slump. If we take the total contribution to growth of government spending – both current spending and the public sector’s contribution to GFCF this rises GDP by £20.7bn.

This means that the economic contraction would have been far more severe without the rise in government spending.

It is known that government spending will decline under the Tory-led government. In fact current government current spending did contract in Q3 as the cuts policy began to be implemented. The fall was just £1.1bn, but it was the first such decline since the recovery began. The Q4 data will no doubt produce a larger cut in government spending, with further, steeper falls to come in 2011. Meanwhile the Labour government’s increased investment programme, which takes slightly longer to implement, will soon be crashed into reverse.

What Caused the Recovery?

Looking now at the earlier economic recovery, which ran for 4 quarters between Q4 2009 and Q3 2010, the total rise in output was £34.3bn from the low-point of the recession. The total rise in government spending during the recession and recovery amounted to £20.7bn. While much of that increase took place before the recovery began it will have been crucial in supporting the resumption in household consumption through welfare and other payments. In addition it will have fostered the rebound in GFCF as the private sector was encouraged to resume investment. In the one year long recovery, household consumption rose by £16.4bn, while GFCF rose by £12.0bn. Total government spending, including its contribution to investment was therefore directly responsible for 60% of the recovery – £20.7bn of a total increase of £34.3bn. Given the positive indirect effects on other categories of activity, it is no exaggeration whatever to say that government spending was responsible for the recovery.

It is clear now why the economy is slowing sharply. Osborne would like to blame it on the weather. But the reality is not a weather effect – as the ONS points out. There may well be a rebound in Q1, which would be unsurprising as some activity postponed in Q4 will take place now. But by removing the key prop to growth, in the form government spending, it is certain that the latest two quarters combined, Q4 2010 and Q1 2011, will see much slower growth on average than mid-2010. And 2011 will also see the effects of the VAT hike and widespread price increases which will all produce a sharp contraction in real incomes. Major cuts to capital spending are planned while benefits will be slashed in April.

It is easy to forget that the Tory-led government policy is dressed up in the name of deficit-reduction. But the deficit has been falling under the impact of stronger growth, itself induced by increased government spending. In the 2010 calendar year the borrowing requirement was £148bn, compared to a Treasury projection of £178bn for the Financial Year.

The policies of the Tory-led Coalition threatens to send both the economy and government finances into reverse.